Malaysia's new power centers - Parliament, Sultans..

By Raja Petra
Sunday, 16 March 2008

Welcome to the new Malaysia, where the Abdullah administration will have to share the stage with the royalty, the judiciary and a more assertive Parliament.
And where the ruling political party, the United Malays National Organisation (Umno), will have to come to terms with coalition partners becoming more vocal to stay relevant.
It will be messy. At times it will be unsettling for Malaysians and foreign investors who have become accustomed to a strong centre dictating policy, and even discourse, here, and everyone else, well, following.
But politicians and analysts believe that no one should fear the new Malaysia.
They point out that the disparate voices and different centres of power are signs of a country trying to find a new equilibrium following a seismic shift in the political landscape.
On one day, the country may seem to be on the cusp of a constitutional crisis – like today – with the rulers of Perlis and Terengganu defying the Prime Minister and stamping their mark on the choice of the next Mentri Besar in their respective states.
On another day, it may seem that the fine racial and religious balance in the country is on the verge of being turned on its head, sparked by incendiary rhetoric and promises by the Opposition to dismantle the New Economic Policy.
In a few weeks, expect Parliament to become a real battleground of ideas, ideals and egos. With 82 of the 222 seats held by the PKR-DAP-PAS alliance, the Barisan Nasional can no longer expect every Bill to be greeted with an “aye’’. It is almost certain that parliamentary committees will have a greater Opposition voice and DAP’s Lim Kit Siang expects these committees to run the ruler over all executive policies and actions.
As veteran BN leader Datuk Seri Rais Yatim told the Star: “I think gone would be the days for taking things granted, the high-handedness and the rhetoric.‘’
To be sure, the changes Malaysians are experiencing did not happen overnight. The seeds of change were planted in Nov 2003 soon after Abdullah became PM. The lexicon of the land became reform. There was talk of more transparency, accountability, integrity and a place for everyone under the Malaysian sun.
And though the administration’s commitment to reform became lukewarm after 2005, when Abdullah appeared more concerned about the feelings of his Umno constituents, the genie was out of the bottle.
THE SULTANS
This new mood was reflected in cyberspace, among non-governmental organisations like the Bar Council and even among more enlightened members of the royalty such as Raja Nazrin Shah of Perak.
The latter captured the imagination of the chattering class with his essays on transparency and good governance and the soothing effect of his comments after several Umno speakers stoked racial fears at the party’s assembly two years ago.
In fact, the royalty has in the past two years intervened when they sensed disquiet among Malaysians over an issue. For example, the Council of Malay Rulers stepped in and pressured Abdullah to change the government’s choice of the Chief Justice.
Also, at the height of the displeasure against Umno warlord Zakaria Deros for ignoring laws wantonly, it was the Sultan of Selangor who read him the riot act. In both instances, the royalty acted because they sensed a reticence by the administration to take the hard but necessary choices.
Post-Election 2008, it is clear that some Malay rulers are going to exhibit more political activism. With the perception that the central government is weak, they will intervene to protect Malay rights, to ensure stability and occasionally to settle scores. They will become kingmakers of state politics.
In Perak and Selangor, the rulers have taken charge of the appointment of the Mentri Besar and the state executive council because the winning party had no clear majority in the assembly or were engaged in some infighting.
The Regent of Perak delayed the swearing-in ceremony of the MB and made it necessary for the assemblymen to sign forms agreeing to the choice of office bearers in the state.
In Perlis, the ruler has overruled the PM and is set to appoint Dr Md Isa Sabu as the Mentri Besar, setting the stage for a federal-state spat and inviting questions on whether the royals are overreaching.
Dr Shad Saleem Faruqi, a constitutional law expert, has said that the law is on the side of the rulers. For example, Perlis and Terengganu law makes it clear that the Ruler shall appoint as mentri besar a member of the assembly who in his judgment is likely to command the confidence of the majority of the legislature.
It wouldn’t be unprecedented. It should be noted that it was the political activism of the Malay monarchy that ignited the constitutional crisis in Kelantan in 1977.
The Sultan then convinced his Regent to postpone the dissolution of the state assembly following in-fighting among the PAS government. He wanted to prevent an election being called. Public discord followed and a state of emergency was ordered by the federal government.
This level of activism was rejected by Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad in the 1980s, especially after his run-in with the Sultan of Pahang. It culminated in a code of conduct for rulers called, the Proclamation of Constitutional Privileges. But Roger Kershaw wrote in his book, “Monarchy in South-east Asia” that the cumulative effect of the number of modest privileges allowed “the sultans to stay in the game’’. What we are witnessing in Perak, Selangor, Terengganu and Perlis are sultans not only staying in the game but having a major say in the rules and players who can play the game.
Expect the Malay rulers to re-stake their claim as major political players, a role which was greatly diminished during the Mahathir era.
PARLIAMENT
Still, it is in Parliament that we will witness how much March 8 has changed Malaysia.
During the last sitting when BN had 90% control of the House, some bills were passed with nonchalance. No chance of that happening with 82 seats belonging to the Opposition and the real possibility of Anwar Ibrahim lead the charge after his wife steps aside and makes way for him to contest the Permatang Pauh seat. Every piece of legislation is going to be dissected.
Compounding matters in the last term was the behavior of a number of MPs who are only remembered for their bawdy comments and sabre-rattling ways. This too will have to stop if the coalition wants to be in step with a more discerning electorate.
Datuk Chua Soi Lek, a senior MCA politician, says that the sea change will also mean a more vocal MCA.
A main reason that MCA and Gerakan were rejected by the Chinese voters was because they were perceived to be meek in championing the community’s interests. It is not good enough to be silent achievers.
“We must be seen and heard to be fighting for their cause. No good saying that we are settling issues behind closed doors or that we have built so many Chinese schools, etc. The days of quiet subservience are over. People keep telling us that we are not standing up to Umno on crucial issues, ‘’ he said. The sentiment is shared by the Indians in Malaysian Indian Congress, People’s Progressive Party and the Indian Progressive Front.
Will Umno be willing to accept more vocal partners?
The early signs are that the ruling party is really struggling to come to terms with the changed landscape.
Party officials cannot understand why the mainstream media is giving more space to the Opposition in 5 states, without realising that they are the ones now in Opposition. They are also operating under the illusion that by dropping a few discredited leaders, their problems will disappear.
Umno vice-president Tan Sri Muhyiddin is in the minority. He accepts that the rules of the game have changed. The top-down political structure is being challenged from other centres of power, and Malaysians are on a road not travelled before.
This is the new Malaysia where one man’s voice is now just that, one man’s voice. - THE MALAYSIAN INSIDER